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Showing posts with label Michigan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Michigan. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 3, 2016

Flint: Public NonScience - the Failure of our Systems - and the Money Grab for the RIGHT things by the WRONG people


RESEARCH

The Water Next Time: Professor Who Helped Expose Crisis in Flint Says Public Science Is Broken

FEBRUARY 02, 2016 
When Marc Edwards opens his mouth, dangerous things come out.





 In 2003 the Virginia Tech civil-engineering professor said that there was lead in the Washington, D.C., water supply, and that the city had been poisoning its residents. He was right.

Last fall he said there was lead in the water in Flint, Mich., despite the reassurances of state and local authorities that the water was safe. He was right about that, too.

Working with residents of Flint, Mr. Edwards led a study that revealed that the elevated lead levels in people’s homes were not isolated incidents but a result of a systemic problem that had been ignored by state scientists. He has since been appointed to a task force to help fix those problems in Flint. In a vote of confidence, residents last month tagged a local landmark with a note to the powers that be: "You want our trust??? We want Va Tech!!!"

But being right in these cases has not made Mr. Edwards happy. Vindicated or not, the professor says his trials over the last decade and a half have cost him friends, professional networks, and thousands of dollars of his own money.


The infrastructural problems go beyond the public utilities of certain American cities, he says. In an interview with The Chronicle, Mr. Edwards said that the systems built to support scientists do not reward moral courage and that the university pipeline contains toxins of its own — which, if ignored, will corrode public faith in science.


The following interview has been edited and condensed.


Q. I just came back from Flint, and it may not come as a surprise to you that you’re something of a folk hero there. What do you think about that?


A. It’s a natural byproduct of science conducted as a public good. Normal people really appreciate good science that’s done in their interest. They stepped forward as citizen scientists to explore what was happening to them and to their community, we provided some funding and the technical and analytical expertise, and they did all the work. I think that work speaks for itself.


Q. Scientific studies by university-affiliated researchers, namely you and Mona Hanna-Attisha, were a big part of what broke this case open. On the other hand, it took a Flint resident writing to a professor in Virginia to start the process of finding out that there was lead in the drinking water. Do you see this as an academic success story or a cautionary tale?


A. I am very concerned about the culture of academia in this country and the perverse incentives that are given to young faculty. The pressures to get funding are just extraordinary. We’re all on this hedonistic treadmill — pursuing funding, pursuing fame, pursuing h-index— and the idea of science as a public good is being lost.

This is something that I’m upset about deeply. I’ve kind of dedicated my career to try to raise awareness about this. I’m losing a lot of friends. People don’t want to hear this. But we have to get this fixed, and fixed fast, or else we are going to lose this symbiotic relationship with the public. They will stop supporting us.


Q. Do you have any sense that perverse incentive structures prevented scientists from exposing the problem in Flint sooner?


A. Yes, I do. In Flint the agencies paid to protect these people weren’t solving the problem. They were the problem. What faculty person out there is going to take on their state, the Michigan Department of Environmental Quality, and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency?


I don’t blame anyone, because I know the culture of academia. You are your funding network as a professor. You can destroy that network that took you 25 years to build with one word. I’ve done it. When was the last time you heard anyone in academia publicly criticize a funding agency, no matter how outrageous their behavior? We just don’t do these things.


If an environmental injustice is occurring, someone in a government agency is not doing their job. Everyone we wanted to partner said, Well, this sounds really cool, but we want to work with the government. We want to work with the city. And I’m like, You’re living in a fantasy land, because these people are the problem.


Q. Now that your hypothesis has been vindicated, and the government has its tail between its legs, a lot of researchers are interested.

A. And I hope that they’re interested for the right reasons. But there’s now money — a lot of money — on the table.


Q. Not as much as some of them would like. I heard a lot of people say they thought that a zero might have been missing from the grant money that the University of Michigan made available.


A. Right. But the expectation is that there’s tens if not hundreds of millions of dollars that are going to be made available by these agencies. And some part of that will be directed toward research, so we now have a financial incentive to get involved. I hate to sound cynical about it. I know these folks have good intentions. But it doesn’t change the fact that, Where were we as academics for all this time before it became financially in our interest to help? Where were we?


Q. Now, of course, when you walk around Flint and ask people about the reassurances they’re hearing now, they don’t believe anybody. When is it appropriate for academics to be skeptical of an official narrative when that narrative is coming from scientific authorities? Surely the answer can’t be "all of the time."

A. I’m really surprised how emotional this interview is making me, and I’ve given several hundred interviews. What these agencies did in [the Washington, D.C., case] was the most fundamental betrayal of public trust that I’ve ever seen. When I realized what they had done, as a scientist, I was just outraged and appalled.


I grew up worshiping at the altar of science, and in my wildest dreams I never thought scientists would behave this way. The only way I can construct a worldview that accommodates this is to say, These people are unscientific. Science should be about pursuing the truth and helping people. If you’re doing it for any other reason, you really ought to question your motives.


Unfortunately, in general, academic research and scientists in this country are no longer deserving of the public trust. We’re not.


Q. I think of that rock with the spray paint on it that says, "You want our trust??? We want Va Tech!!!" That’s a vote of confidence in you at the expense of confidence in anybody else. Is that a happy piece of graffiti in your eyes?


A. It’s a symbol of the total failure of our government science agencies, and also of our academic institutions. I really derive no personal satisfaction from that. I feel shame. That’s what I feel.


Q. I keep coming back to these university researchers in Flint who said: "The state has 50 epidemiologists. They say that the water’s safe. So I’m going to focus my energy on something that’s less settled." How do you decide when the state should be challenged?


A. That’s a great question. We are not skeptical enough about each other’s results. What’s the upside in that? You’re going to make enemies. People might start questioning your results. And that’s going to start slowing down our publication assembly line. Everyone’s invested in just cranking out more crap papers.


So when you start asking questions about people, and you approach them as a scientist, if you feel like you’re talking to an adult and they give you a rational response and are willing to share data and discuss an issue rationally, I’m out of there. I go home.


But when you reach out to them, as I did with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and they do not return your phone calls, they do not share data, they do not respond to FOIA [open-records requests], y’know. … In each case I just started asking questions and turning over rocks, and I resolved to myself, The second something slimy doesn’t come out, I’m gonna go home. But every single rock you turn over, something slimy comes out.


Q. But at some point in a place like Flint, trust has to be restored somehow in order for the system to continue working.


A. Exactly.


Q. I talked to this woman yesterday at the university pavilion. She’s a senior, a nursing student. We looked at the stickers the university had put on its water fountain, saying that this has a filter, that this is safe. And she said: "No. I don’t drink the water here. I don’t care what they say. I don’t care if it’s from the university." At that level of mistrust, the system doesn’t work. What do you think people would have to see in order to start trusting what scientists tell them?


A. It’s going to take time for the people in Flint. They have been so betrayed, and the callous way that our most vulnerable were treated in Flint by the very agencies paid to protect them is so profoundly disturbing. That’s why this is striking such a chord.


Q. You teach a course on ethics and heroism at Virginia Tech. How exactly does one teach heroism to college students?


A. We teach aspirational ethics. What I teach my students is, You’re born heroic. I go into these animal studies, and heroism is actually in our nature. What you have to do is make sure that the system doesn’t change you, that our educational system doesn’t teach you to be willfully blind and to forget your aspirations, because that’s the default position.


We talk about the realities of heroism too. It’s not fun. These are gut-wrenching things. But the main thing is, Do not let our educational institutions make you into something that you will be ashamed of.


Q. And you sort of warn them that you’re preparing them for a life of possible sadness and alienation?


A. Well, yeah. There’s a price to be paid.


Steve Kolowich writes about how colleges are changing, and staying the same, in the digital age. Follow him on Twitter @stevekolowich, or write to him at steve.kolowich@chronicle.com.

Saturday, November 28, 2015

Cost vs. Value (Michigan Policy & Cities)


Cities show state's problem with cost vs. value


State government tells cities in Michigan that they'd better balance their budgets, keep debt under control and not promise more to retirees than can be paid.

Slip up too many times, and local elected officials can be displaced by emergency managers — or, in the historic case of Detroit, municipal bankruptcy can be the consequence.

That relationship, the expectation that municipal governments stay out of financial trouble or face state intervention, puts a lot of responsibility on local officials. They deliver most of the services people need, and have to maintain them (or cut them) without over-spending.

But Michigan's laws also handcuff cities when it comes to the ways in which they might grow revenue (even in accordance with overall economic growth) or find new sources of it. And state policy has deprioritized the share of state tax dollars that are sent to local governments (the ones that provide most of the services people need) in the name of cost-cutting and frugality.

The result is a set-up of sorts, according to a report released last week by Michigan State University. "Michigan incubates financial distress (with its) particular mix of stringent limitations on local revenue and its relatively low level of financial assistance to cities," the report said.

A week ago, I wrote that an obsession with dollars and cents, unmoored from considerations of the value of the services they buy or provide, had made state government in Michigan something of a joke. Money matters — but effectiveness, and whether spending delivers on its promise, has become secondary.
Cities — the way their finances are structured by state law, the manner in which state government funds them — are Exhibit A in the strained relationship between cost and value in Michigan.

They deliver most of the services that matter to people — police, fire, trash pick-up, public lighting — and yet, as the MSU study shows, they're nickel and dimed to the point that even the best-managed among them face an awful choice: Scrimp on services, or strain financial integrity.
No doubt, local management foibles and corruption have contributed to the trouble that Michigan cities face each year at the budget table.

But even accounting for local responsibility, the odds that a city in this state can manage financial strain and service delivery in a reasonable balance are beyond absurd.

The MSU report says, in essence, that Michigan's cities are "structured" to fail.

Compared to other states

The MSU study details the corner that cities are painted into by comparing Michigan's policies with those of other states, by looking at trends over time and particularly since the deep recession at the end of the last decade.

While the state is in the middle of the pack nationally when it comes to growth in per-capita aid to cities, it has also diverted more than $6 billion in planned revenue sharing away from cities since 2001.

In addition, Michigan employs some of the toughest restraints on growth in locally raised revenue. In addition to a general restraint on local tax increases, the state has added two others in the last four decades. The Headlee Amendment, passed in the late 1970s, caps the growth of property tax rates to the rate of inflation. And Proposal A, passed in 1994, further restricts growth on locally collected property taxes.

That makes Michigan one of only eight states that have three state-imposed restrictions on local tax revenue.

And the effect, since the massive reset of property valuations in the recession, has been to practically leave municipal governments out of the economic recovery. Even as assessments and values rise, Michigan's limits on local tax revenue growth keep city coffers from experiencing the full benefits.
It's worse than having to do more with less. It's having to do more with an artificially imposed limitation on resources.

We're asking cities to focus on cost — and completely ignoring the value of what they provide — or don't.

Losing police and firefighters

The practical effects of Michigan's restraints on both revenue shared with cities and local governments' ability to raise their own revenue have been devastating.
Cities have turned to one-off taxes to pay for critical police and fire services and have borrowed to the hilt just to keep basic services running.

And they have cut, and cut, and cut. Headlines each year expose how many police officers or firefighters will be reduced.

By 2008, Michigan cities had lost 1,800 police positions since 2001, according to the Associated Press, even as levels of violent crime stayed consistent or increased.

This spring, cities like Port Huron and Saginaw struggled with budget decisions that would close firehouses and eliminate firefighting jobs, even as call volume remained largely unchanged.
Adding to the woes in places like Port Huron are so-called legacy costs — promises made to previous employees about retirement benefits that cities have not had enough revenue to fully fund, largely because of state-imposed limitations.

In Port Huron, for instance, the city's pension and retiree health care obligations have a $100-million gap; the city's payments are expected to spike from $7 million to $12 million annually in the next 14 years — all the while revenue sharing has dropped nearly 40% since 2001.

Low resources, more troubles

The MSU study points to other states' practices as templates for reform in Michigan. Overwhelmingly, they impose fewer local tax growth restrictions. Many do better with shared revenue models. And even those that employ some method of state intervention often accompany that oversight with more resources, earlier help for cities that are struggling, and more support in preventing relapse after intervention is over.

But the bigger-picture shift has to come in the way we think about cost, and value.

Yes, tax bills are kept lower by constraining cities' ability to benefit from economic growth, but the result is governments that can't keep people safe, or effectively put out fires.

Yes, state government has balanced its own books by shorting revenue to cities, but the consequence is more municipal governments in financial distress, and more necessary state intervention that is both costly and less effective than properly funding cities on the front end.

If we funded cities in a way that placed more emphasis on what they're asked to do, and how important those services are, we'd certainly avoid many of the fiscal crises that cost precious time and resources.

City services are what residents pay taxes for — the safety provided by police and firefighters, the quality education delivered by public schools. For the public works that keep our streets clean and our water safe. To short cities for taxpayers' presumed benefit is a false economy. And it may make sense on paper. But that's the only place it makes sense.